Roget's II: the hot Thesaurus, Third version, is the fundamental writing instrument for each lecture room, domestic, and place of work, delivering all of the gains that experience made Roget's a relied on identify for a hundred years. the main available and easy-to-use glossary to be had, Roget's II includes:
- Clear, actual definitions for each synonym team, so that you can locate simply the note you are looking for.
- Complete alphabetical directory of all synonyms, totally cross-referenced to the most entries.
- Unique class index of similar phrases and phrases of contrary desiring to extend and enhance your be aware choices.
With 35,000 synonyms indexed and outlined, Roget's II is an efficient instrument for college students, writers, pros, or somebody looking for simply the perfect word!
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Extra info for Roget's II: the new thesaurus
Here we find a distribution between the strong stem that is spelled a-ar-aš- and the weak stem that is spelled ar-aš- or ar-šº. 45 This means at the same time, that the weak stem arš-, which must reflect *h1rs-, cannot contain the vowel /a/, since we then would have expected the same spelling for strong and weak stem. This forces us to look for another solution. There are two options. We can assume that in *CRC an anaptyctic vowel emerged that, although it did resemble /a/, was not identical to it.
G. the use of the sign GE/I as having the e-vowel only (/ke/) vs. the use of the sign KE/I as having the i-vowel only (/ki/) (Wegner 2000: 37-8). This shows that the Hittites cannot have adopted the cuneiform script directly from the Hurrians. Melchert (1994a: 20) interprets the Hittite ‘fortis’ stops as long and voiceless (-TT-), whereas the ‘lenis’ stops are short and voiced (-D-). g. *-Dh2-). The existence of this last series is highly improbable, however: there is not a shred of evidence for a distinction in spelling between “-TT-” and “-DD-”, and therefore a phonetic and phonological distinction between the two cannot be proven.
Nevertheless, the distinction must have been present in Proto-Anatolian, as is indicated by the fact that initial *ti- yielded Hitt. z- and *di- > Hitt. š-, whereas they merged in Luwian as ti-. 32 On the contrary, the stem §atuk- ‘terrible’, which probably reflects *h2tug-, shows lenition of PIE *t to Hitt. /d/ in the initial cluster *h2t-33 and therefore could be used as an argument for the opposite view, namely that all initial stops merged into the lenis series. This example is again non-probative, however, because the fact that /d/ is a lenis stop does not prove anything regarding the status of initial §-.
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