By Alwin Kloekhorst
Hittite is the oldest attested Indo-European language and as a result of paramount significance for comparative Indo-European linguistics. even supposing within the previous couple of a long time our wisdom of the synchronic and old linguistics of Hittite has profoundly elevated, those new insights haven't been systematically utilized to the entire Hittite fabric. This ebook fills this hole by means of, for the 1st time, delivering an etymological dictionary of the complete Hittite lexicon of Indo-European beginning within which all phrases are taken care of in a coherent manner. in addition, it offers an intensive description of the synchronic phonological procedure of Hittite in addition to a accomplished research of the Hittite historic morphology and phonology. the result's a huge guide that would shape an critical software for Indo-Europeanists and Hittitologists alike.
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Extra info for Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon
Here we find a distribution between the strong stem that is spelled a-ar-aš- and the weak stem that is spelled ar-aš- or ar-šº. 45 This means at the same time, that the weak stem arš-, which must reflect *h1rs-, cannot contain the vowel /a/, since we then would have expected the same spelling for strong and weak stem. This forces us to look for another solution. There are two options. We can assume that in *CRC an anaptyctic vowel emerged that, although it did resemble /a/, was not identical to it.
G. the use of the sign GE/I as having the e-vowel only (/ke/) vs. the use of the sign KE/I as having the i-vowel only (/ki/) (Wegner 2000: 37-8). This shows that the Hittites cannot have adopted the cuneiform script directly from the Hurrians. Melchert (1994a: 20) interprets the Hittite ‘fortis’ stops as long and voiceless (-TT-), whereas the ‘lenis’ stops are short and voiced (-D-). g. *-Dh2-). The existence of this last series is highly improbable, however: there is not a shred of evidence for a distinction in spelling between “-TT-” and “-DD-”, and therefore a phonetic and phonological distinction between the two cannot be proven.
Nevertheless, the distinction must have been present in Proto-Anatolian, as is indicated by the fact that initial *ti- yielded Hitt. z- and *di- > Hitt. š-, whereas they merged in Luwian as ti-. 32 On the contrary, the stem §atuk- ‘terrible’, which probably reflects *h2tug-, shows lenition of PIE *t to Hitt. /d/ in the initial cluster *h2t-33 and therefore could be used as an argument for the opposite view, namely that all initial stops merged into the lenis series. This example is again non-probative, however, because the fact that /d/ is a lenis stop does not prove anything regarding the status of initial §-.
Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon by Alwin Kloekhorst